End of the job? Real estate schools in the spotlight

End of the job? Real estate schools in the spotlight
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porEditorial Team
Argentina

The challenge to a system of unlawful insecurity that raises the cost of access to housing, punishes transparency, and rewards opacity

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For decades, real estate associations repeated the same script: without mandatory registration, without compulsory pension funds, and without their disciplinary apparatus, the market would be left in the hands of improvisers, criminals, and adventurers.

The argument was always the same. They would be the guardians of legal security. The rest, a threat to access to housing.

But there is a problem: after decades of mandatory oversight, the Argentine real estate market remains opaque, expensive, fragmented, difficult to audit and riddled with operations, commissions, and values that often do not appear fully reflected in official records.

So, the question is inevitable: what legal security have they guaranteed?

Real estate mediation is a commercial activity. It consists of connecting supply and demand in exchange for a commission. It is not a medical science, it is not nuclear engineering, and it is not a discipline that requires the blessing of a corporation to exist. However, the Argentine system has managed to transform a commercial activity into an obstacle course: qualifying title, registration, fees, bonds, pension contributions, territorial controls, disciplinary tribunals, and mandatory funds.

All to obtain the privilege of working

Bureaucracy has labeled this scheme as “professionalization.” In practice, it functions as an entry customs, a toll for permanence, and, in some cases, an exit barrier managed by the same institutions that thrive on keeping their members captive. That is not professionalization. It is corporatism.

And the most serious thing is that the system not only restricts the freedom to work. It also punishes transparency. In any reasonable market, invoicing, declaring income, registering real values, and ensuring traceability of operations should be the most convenient. In the Argentine real estate market, the opposite happens too often.

Each transparent operation activates a chain of agencies ready to claim their share. Tax burdens, registration fees, pension contributions, bonds, income presumptions, inspections, and overlapping obligations emerge.

Formality is a high-risk sport in the real estate market

Greater visibility means greater exposure. Higher invoicing brings more mouths to feed. Greater traceability makes it easier for corporations to presume income and demand contributions.

Then they are surprised by the informality they themselves helped create. The result is perverse: telling the truth can end up being more expensive than hiding it.

When that happens, the problem ceases to be individual. It is no longer enough to point out the operator who did not invoice or the owner who declared a different value. The problem becomes institutional because the system created the incentives for transparency to be an economic disadvantage.

The costs do not disappear by magic. They are paid by owners, buyers, tenants, and users through more expensive services, less competition, higher commissions, and fewer alternatives to choose from.

The associations claim to protect the consumer, but every barrier they raise reduces the competition that could benefit them. They claim to defend transparency, but they manage a system that makes transparency more costly. They claim to guarantee legal security, but the market they control remains opaque. The contradiction can no longer be hidden behind a credential.

The mysterious 98%

Organizations defending the corporate model publicly stated that 98% of real estate transactions go through registered brokers. The figure is extraordinary. It is also extraordinarily uncomfortable for those who disseminated it.

Firstly, because presenting that percentage as a sign of social trust is a joke. It was those same institutions that ensured that anyone wishing to operate legally had to submit to their titles, registrations, payments, and jurisdictions.

Closing all doors, leaving only one open, and then celebrating that 98% entered through there does not demonstrate preference. It demonstrates coercion.

But let’s assume the percentage is true. If the collegiate system really controls almost all market operations, there should be a tax footprint compatible with such dominance. There should be a reasonable relationship between the number of registered members, registered taxpayers, operations performed, issued receipts, and declared invoicing.

Does it exist? How many real estate commissions are actually invoiced? How many receipts are issued? How much money do the associations and pension funds collect? What proportion exists between the real size of the market and the activity that appears registered? Where is the data?

To start answering these questions, a formal request for access to public information was submitted for ARCA to report the number of taxpayers, invoicing, and the volume of receipts corresponding to the activity identified under code 682091.

The official response must be published and compared with the narrative of the real estate corporations.

This is not about individually accusing those who work within this system. Many operators are also victims of a structure designed to charge them for entering, for staying, and, in some cases, even for leaving.

This is about evaluating the institutional result of decades of mandatory registration, collegiate oversight, and compulsory pension schemes. And the trap is perfect.

If the tax data reveals an activity compatible with the market's dimension, there will finally be an objective basis for discussion. But if it shows a substantially smaller footprint, only two possibilities remain.

Either the 98% is corporate propaganda and the associations do not control the activity they claim to control.

Or the 98% is true, the associations dominate practically the entire market, and yet, they have utterly failed to formalize it.

There is no third comfortable alternative. If they do not control the activity, they cannot present themselves as its guardians. If they do control it, they must explain why the market remains opaque, difficult to audit, and partially disconnected from tax records. In both cases, the discourse of “legal security” crumbles.

The legal monopoly of real estate associations

A monopoly does not become useful by calling itself an association. The legal existence of an institution does not demonstrate its social utility. An organization may have obtained a law that forces funding and still be completely irrelevant to the consumer. It may present itself as a guardian of ethics while pursuing those who compete without its authorization. It may talk about quality while blocking the entry of better operators. It may invoke transparency while creating incentives to hide. It may talk about legal security while making it economically inconvenient to comply with the law.

The collegiate system does not need to demonstrate value to survive because it does not depend on the choice of its members. It depends on coercion. Good services sell themselves. Privileges are imposed. If the associations add value, let them compete. Let them convince operators to register voluntarily. Let them attract members through the quality of their courses, their insurance, their legal backing, their reputation, or their certifications. If their services are as indispensable as they claim, they should not need a law that forces hiring them.

The same applies to pension funds. If they offer extraordinary coverage, real estate actors should rush to affiliate voluntarily. If to sustain them it is necessary to prevent a person from leaving, pursue them for debts, or continue demanding contributions even if they no longer practice, the problem is not the affiliate.

The problem is the system. True quality does not need a legal monopoly. Mediocrity does.

Deregulation does not mean eliminating controls. It means eliminating the corporate monopoly of control. It means replacing prior authorization with effective responsibility. It means that whoever causes harm is accountable to Justice, not to a tribunal made up of competitors with their own interests. It means replacing compulsory registration with voluntary certifications, territorial limits with national competition, and legal privileges with reputation.

Consumer protection does not depend on a registration placed behind a surname. It depends on clear contracts, verifiable information, liability insurance, traceability, public records, reputation systems, and concrete sanctions in the face of real damages. That is control. Charging a fee to allow work is not.

The real estate activity needs more invoicing, more competition, more technology, more information, and greater responsibility. It does not need more stamps, rituals, funds, or corporate leaders claiming to represent an industry that functions despite them.

Formality is not built by multiplying agencies that take a portion of each movement.

It is built by reducing the cost of compliance. It is not built by pursuing those who work without corporate permission. It is built by punishing those who defraud, breach, or harm others, whether they have a license or not. It is not built by forcing everyone to enter through a single door. It is built by allowing the consumer to choose.

Real estate deregulation does not aim to destroy formality. It aims to rescue it from those who turned it into a mandatory business. Because when the law makes it more costly to tell the truth than to hide it, opacity ceases to be an anomaly. It becomes the logical result of the system.

And when those who created that system present themselves as guardians of legal security, we are no longer facing a simple contradiction.

We are facing institutionalized unlawful insecurity.


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