Protecting a minor ultimately protects the crime

Protecting a minor ultimately protects the crime
Protecting a minor ultimately protects the crime

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When age reduces the consequences of delinquency, organized crime finds an advantage to exploit

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Every rule produces something more than what it declares. It also modifies behaviors. When a society rewards an action, it gets more of it; when it increases its cost, it gets less. The law does not exist outside of that logic. Each norm alters the map of consequences within which millions of people decide what to do, what to avoid, and how far to take risks.

This dimension was once again exposed in the province of Buenos Aires. Judge Marta Elba Pascual suspended the application of the new Juvenile Criminal Regime for 60 days, which reduced the age from 16 to 14 years at which there can be criminal consequences within a specific regime for adolescents. The magistrate invoked the risk of collapse of the Buenos Aires institutions and the need to avoid potential violations of rights.

The discussion is often framed as a conflict between two sensitivities: those who want to punish and those who want to protect minors. That framing is insufficient. The central issue is not how much punishment a society desires, but what behavior it incentivizes when it radically separates a conduct from its consequences.

A fourteen-year-old does not necessarily possess the maturity of an adult. The law can recognize that difference through specific penalties, procedures, and conditions. But from that, it does not follow that it should legally consider irrelevant their capacity to understand that killing, stealing, or exercising violence causes harm to another person.

Responsibility then serves a function prior to punishment. It teaches that decisions have consequences. That connection constitutes one of the most fundamental institutions of any social order. It exists in the family, in contracts, in school, in work, and in practically all human interactions.

When the law breaks that connection absolutely, an additional problem arises. If two people can commit the same act but face radically different costs due to a known characteristic in advance, the system introduces an opportunity. Crime also responds to incentives. A lesser expected consequence can turn the minor not only into someone protected by the norm but into someone functionally more convenient for committing certain crimes.

It is not necessary to assume that all adolescents will rationally calculate a penalty before acting. Incentives do not require that each individual knows the Penal Code. It is enough that those who organize criminal activities perceive which behaviors face lower risks. Where there is a systematic difference in costs, there is also the possibility of exploiting that difference.

The case of Kim Gómez starkly showed the moral dimension of the problem. The seven-year-old girl died in 2025 after two teenagers stole the car she was in; one of them was 14 years old and was deemed not criminally responsible under the previous regime. The tragedy does not alone demonstrate what each penalty should be, but it does compel us to remember that protecting the potential perpetrator can never mean making the real victim invisible.

The Buenos Aires judicial decision adds another paradox. The argument is that the provincial system might not be prepared to receive more young people affected by the new regime. But administrative incapacity has a dangerous consequence when it becomes the basis for suspending responsibility. If the State mismanages its institutions, the cost of that inefficiency ultimately shifts to those who may suffer from the crime.

A serious society can discuss what penalties correspond to each age, how reintegration should occur, and what conditions juvenile centers should meet. What it should not do is confuse compassion with the absence of consequences. The former recognizes human differences. The latter alters the incentives that govern coexistence.

Freedom can only exist where each person is accountable for the harm they cause to another. A society that systematically disconnects action and responsibility does not become more humane. It simply changes who bears the cost.

Because the true limit of any protection policy appears when, in trying to spare consequences for the aggressor, it ends up transferring them to someone who never chose to be a victim. A justice that forgets incentives can end up protecting exactly what it intended to prevent.


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  1. MILEI COMPARÓ LA INFLACIÓN CON EL INFIERNO Y RECORDÓ CÓMO LOS ARGENTINOS SUFRIERON SUS CONSECUENCIAS “Pero ¿qué es el infierno en términos económicos? Es una sociedad que vive para el hoy, donde no existe mañana, donde se consume para sobrevivir, donde no hay industria ni hay comercio, menos aún hay crecimiento personal ni proyección profesional o familiar... Esto es, en última instancia, el infierno. La falta de esperanza, de perspectiva, de futuro. Es un presente que se vive como desesperación constante y como condena. Los argentinos conocemos bien ese infierno, lo vivimos con la inflación”.

    2 min ago

  2. MILEI EXPLICÓ CÓMO LA EMISIÓN MONETARIA CONDUCE AL INFIERNO BAJO LA PROMESA DEL PARAÍSO El presidente @JMilei explicó cómo los gobiernos populistas recurren a la emisión masiva de dinero para financiar promesas imposibles, generando una falsa sensación de bienestar que termina destruida por la inflación. “Esta vía es muy tentadora porque le hace parecer a los hombres que están acercándose al paraíso, cuando en verdad se los está conduciendo al infierno”.

    12 min ago

  3. BASADO: MILEI COMPARÓ LAS PROMESAS DE LA IZQUIERDA CON LAS TENTACIONES DE SATANÁS El presidente @JMilei recordó cómo el demonio tentó a Jesús ofreciéndole soluciones fáciles, poder y riquezas, y advirtió sobre el costo moral de esas promesas. “El maligno ofrece siempre gratificación instantánea, poder y lujos. Pero esto siempre tiene un precio, que es la pérdida del alma”.

    22 min ago

  4. El presidente @JMilei defendió los valores judeocristianos como fundamento moral de su Gobierno y repudió a la casta política por priorizar la conveniencia sobre la justicia. “Nosotros aplicamos lo que yo llamo la moral como política de Estado. [...] Tomamos medidas partiendo de lo que es justo y no desde lo políticamente conveniente, como nos ha acostumbrado la política tradicional a lo largo de la historia argentina”.

    32 min ago

  5. RIDÍCULOS: Durante las protestas y disturbios de la izquierda en Alemania, un hombre exhibió orgullosamente la bandera nacional y varios zurdos dementes comenzaron a gritarle “nazi” por mostrar la bandera democrática de la posguerra, símbolo del rechazo al nazismo.

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